Albeit nurtured in democracy,
And liking best that state republican
Where every man is Kinglike and no man
Is crowned above his fellows, yet I see,
Spite of this modern fret for Liberty,
Better the rule of One, whom all obey,
Than to let clamorous demagogues betray
Our freedom with the kiss of anarchy.

Wherefore I love them not whose hands profane
Plant the red flag upon the piled-up street
For no right cause, beneath whose ignorant reign
Arts, Culture, Reverence, Honour, all things fade,
Save Treason and the dagger of her trade,
And Murder with his silent bloody feet.

Irish Folk Song

When apples still grow in November

When blossoms still bloom from each tree,

When leaves are still green in December,

It’s then that our land will be free.

I wander her hills and her valleys,

And still through my sorrow I see

A land that has never known freedom

And only her rivers run free.

I drink to the death of her manhood,

Those men who would rather have died

Than to live in the cold chains of bondage,

To bring back their rights were denied.

Oh were are you now when we need you,

What burns where the flame used to be,

Are ye gone like the snows of last winter,

And will only our rivers run free.

How sweet is life but we’re crying

How mellow the wine that were dry,

How fragrant the rose,but it’s dying,

How gentle the wind but it sighs.

What good is in youth when it’s aging,

What joy is in eyes that can’t see,

When there’s sorrow and sunshine and flowers,

And still only our rivers run free.

“Next to money and guns, the third largest North American export is the U.S. idealist, who turns up in every theater of the world: the teacher, the volunteer, the missionary, the community organizer, the economic developer, and the vacationing do-gooders. Ideally, these people define their role as service. Actually, they frequently wind up alleviating the damage done by money and weapons, or “seducing” the “underdeveloped” to the benefits of the world of affluence and achievement. Perhaps this is the moment to instead bring home to the people of the U.S. the knowledge that the way of life they have chosen simply is not alive enough to be shared.” - Ivan Illich, “To Hell With Good Intentions”

“We must all fear evil men. But there is another kind of evil which we must fear most, and that is the indifference of good men.” -Boondock Saints

We are rapidly approaching the Republican National Convention. Groups are packing community centers for public meetings, and living rooms for affinity meetings. Trainings in direct action, legal observation, and street medicine will begin shortly, if they have not already begun.

And just as we prepare, so are the city of St. Paul, the St. Paul Police, and right-wingers. Nothing to be surprised about: the city has long been trying to shut down protest in the city to keep open the orgy of corporate money, pollution, and war crimes, and the SPPD has been all too complacent in assisting in this, stocking up on tasers and other lethal weaponry. And right-wingers and military supporters (although surprisingly not vets) are talking hard about beating, jailing, and killing “extremists” and “protesters.” Such evidence can be seen in a Star Tribune article detailing STP’s propaganda campaign against protest, which includes a clear effort to dehumanize and marginalize protesters, so that–at least in the public eye–police won’t really be gassing or killing real people when they inevitably attempt to do so. Just check out the comments section, where there are clear calls for violence against protesters.

The ironic thing is that those who will be instigating the violence, destroying property and lives side by side, are not those mysterious black-clad hooligans, but rather those who continue to believe the lie that they are agents of peace: yes, the police.

But the real threat that we, the “radical” “fringe” “extremists” on the “left” face (radical: getting to the roots of the problems we face, rather than playing petty politics; fringe: operating outside of a corrupt and sick society that values money over life; extremist: extreme poverty and catastrophe merit extreme measures) is really others within the “left” as it is defined in this country. Before explaining why they contribute more towards our imminent collapse more than to its alleviation, let me talk about the protest itself.

September 1-4, the Republican National Convention will be held in St. Paul, MN. There is a three-tier, three zone strategy in place with the goal of preventing the convention itself from happening, much less the coronation of King John. The tiers represent a hierarchy of escalation, meeting primary goals then rising according to capacity and strength. The zones, meanwhile, permit a separation of time or space, to give all who are needing to protest an opportunity to do so in line with their comfort levels, without restricting the ability of others to do the same. Thus, it lets black bloc actions happen simultaneously with the peace march, while (hopefully) escaping the infighting which happened in Seattle, where protesters devote more energy to doing the jobs of the police, rather than spending that effort confronting power holders. This is part of what I will talk about later.

We have faced assault after assault over the past 8 years (well, since time immemorial, but who’s counting?). War has implicitly been declared against us–the left, the students, the poor, the women and queers, the workers and farmers–and every action taken by the current administration can be seen as an attack, an act of war. We are tired of being assaulted as such, we are tired of being jailed, starved, robbed, and injured. On September 1, we have a chance to stand up, and in the style of the Zapatistas, say “YA BASTA! Enough is enough!”

Many will show up to “protest,” to practice their “right to free speech.” We will not. We come out of self defense, both of ourselves and of our world, and of our neighbors all over this beautiful planet. The feeling of entitlement to speak freely and protest smacks of ignorance and naivety of the daily struggles of most people in our own country, who face a denial of both in their daily lives–people of all colors, women, gays, lesbians, queers, and transfolk, the poor, workers, and farmers: any of us who lack a voice in our everyday environments, who lack the freedom to be who we are in public without facing violence, who lack democracy in their jobsites. And this “right” to free speech also pivots around a faith in the Consitution, and in law and order, and in the state, which we really know are just tools to be used against us at the convenience of the holders of economic and political power in this country. Thus, we should not be so incessant about our rights as Americans, because those rights are merely carrots to lead us around the circular track of complacency. Rather, we should not be afraid to act in our own defense, and denounce those who abuse us, even from outside the bounds of their law. We should feel no remorse at confronting them in their offices, at their homes, in their streets, at their conventions, for they felt no similar remorse when they enslaved us, raped or beat us, or stole our lands and livelihoods.

This brings me to the point which I intended to make. As you can view in that same comment sections, or anywhere where there is discussion of direct action, you will encounter a holier-than-thou, morally-superior attitude amongst those Obamaniacs and self-proclaimed “progressives”, who support that false “right” to protest, but apparently will go out of their way to deride those who choose other forms of protest. We do not condone, obviously, the killing of cops or others, for they are workers too, with families. Yet we also do not expend more energy selling out those who are more radical, with the purpose of crowning ourselves heir to the left base. This is why the Democratic Party suffers the poverty and spinelessness it does now; it and its moderate supporters have been more than willing to dance with the devil, working with the real opposition to decapitate anarchists, communists, socialists, and all those who more legitimately represent their captured base. They claim to be the left, while sitting on thrones of trust funds and mansions; really, they are the bourgeoisie, opportunists and power-grabbers each and every one.

Additionally, their power-preserving doctrine has created the sins of “partisanship” and “divisiveness.” In short, they want everyone to be on the same side–that of the bourgeoisie. They know that if there are battle lines drawn, the artificial left/right divide will morph from what it is now (split over gun laws and abortion) and will become a real class division. Obviously, a united working class is dangerous (more dangerous than the currently united exploiting class).

We are expected to act civilized and as gentlemen; we have never been treated as such. We are the wretched of the earth, the filth, the producers of all wealth yet the receivers of none. Everything for everyone and nothing for ourselves. Such an outlandish suggestion is perpetuated by those same elites that claim to be our allies yet seek only our domination. The lines have already been drawn, my friends, those very same lines which we are supposed to ignore, by the bourgeoisie itself. It has declared war long ago, and it is time to respond in kind.

Most troubling is the pseudo-moral, voluntary capitulation and pacifism of the middle class. It is widely thought that allowing yourself to be brutalized, even killed, is the most effective way to bring social change. I won’t talk about this in-depth; instead I will recommend Peter Gelderloos’ “How Nonviolence Protects the State” and Ward Churchill’s (despite other controversies) “Pacifism as Pathology.” For the people who promote such an absurd idea are not the ones being beaten and jailed, but rather those already abused and exploited–allowing yourself to be victimized more will clearly not win anything. And such a strategy relies on paternalism: that powerful white males will see this and be converted, and then support them from their ivory towers and trust fund thrones. NO! Only by acting in self-defense can the exploited, the wretched gain empowerment, and even conceivably gain victory and equality. Such strategies, as employed in the past, have resulted in the whole-sale slaughter of radicals, while civil rights leaders sold out their base and delivered them to the wolves in liberals’ clothing.

In the context of this convention, no protest or display, no matter how victimizing, will convert Republicans. We are not there to convert, we are there to protect ourselves. We do not target hearts, we target bodies. This is not doublespeak for violence; we are merely physically shutting down the convention, and prohibiting business as usual. We recognize that in all actuality business will go on; but we strive for a performance that empowers others to action, that shows our strength and creates space for others to feel power over their own lives.

This manufactured fear of divisiveness and partisanship protect the rights of the elite over the rights of the rest. That delegates, war criminals and executives have the right to meet over our right to protest is elitist to the base. Perhaps it is good intentions; but as I said before, rights are not universally applied. Just as we have never had true freedom of speech, we should not be so preoccupied with protecting the supposed freedoms of our oppressors, especially when that speech results in a global genocide.

So I say, to hell with good intentions, to hell with non-partisanship and unity, for these things are myths, they are privileges which are not meant to benefit us. Let us be as divisive and anti-partisan as possible! The elites of the party are our enemies, plain and simple, for they only see us as animals to exploit and dominate. I’ll repeat, they are our ENEMIES, and should be thought of as such, for they already treat us accordingly.

http://news.infoshop.org/article.php?story=2008061813531813

Bristol, Mayday, 2008

zero

The authors of this document are a collection of activists, scholars, and writers currently based in the United States and Western Europe who have gotten to know and work with each other in the movement against capitalist globalization. We’re writing this at the request of some members of No! G8 Action Japan, who asked us for a broad strategic analysis of the state of struggle as we see it, and particularly, of the role of the G8, what it represents, the dangers and opportunities that may lie hidden in the moment. It is in no sense programmatic. Mainly, it is an attempt to develop tools that we hope will be helpful for organizers, or for anyone engaged in the struggle against global capital.

I

It is our condition as human beings that we produce our lives in common.

II

Let us then try to see the world from the perspective of the planet’s commoners, taking the word in that sense: those whose most essential tradition is cooperation in the making and maintenance of human social life, yet who have had to do so under conditions of suffering and separation; deprived, ignored, devalued, divided into hierarchies, pitted against each other for our very physical survival. In one sense we are all commoners. But it’s equally true that just about everyone, at least in some ways, at some points, plays the role of the rulers—of those who expropriate, devalue and divide—or at the very least benefits from such divisions.

Obviously some do more than others. It is at the peak of this pyramid that we encounter groups like the G8.

III

The G8’s perspective is that of the aristocrats, the rulers: those who command and maintain that global machinery of violence that defends existing borders and lines of separation: whether national borders with their detention camps for migrants, or property regimes, with their prisons for the poor. They live by constantly claiming title to the products of others collective creativity and labour, and in thus doing they create the poor; they create scarcity in the midst of plenty, and divide us on a daily basis; they create financial districts that loot resources from across the world, and in thus doing they turn the spirit of human creativity into a spiritual desert; close or privatize parks, public water taps and libraries, hospitals, youth centers, universities, schools, public swimming pools, and instead endlessly build shopping malls that channels convivial life into a means of commodity circulation; work toward turning global ecological catastrophe into business opportunities.

These are the people who presume to speak in the name of the “international community” even as they hide in their gated communities or meet protected by phalanxes of riot cops. It is critical to bear in mind that the ultimate aim of their policies is never to create community but to introduce and maintain divisions that set common people at each other’s throats. The neoliberal project, which has been their main instrument for doing so for the last three decades, is premised on a constant effort either to uproot or destroy any communal or democratic system whereby ordinary people govern their own affairs or maintain common resources for the common good, or, to reorganize each tiny remaining commons as an isolated node in a market system in which livelihood is never guaranteed, where the gain of one community must necessarily be at the expense of others. Insofar as they are willing to appeal to high-minded principles of common humanity, and encourage global cooperation, only and exactly to the extent that is required to maintain this system of universal competition.

IV

At the present time, the G8—the annual summit of the leaders of “industrial democracies”—is the key coordinative institution charged with the task of maintaining this neoliberal project, or of reforming it, revising it, adapting it to the changing condition of planetary class relations. The role of the G8 has always been to define the broad strategic horizons through which the next wave of planetary capital accumulation can occur. This means that its main task is to answer the question of how 3⁄4 in the present conditions of multiple crises and struggles 3⁄4 to subordinate social relations among the producing commoners of the planet to capital’s supreme value: profit.

V

Originally founded as the G7 in 1975 as a means of coordinating financial strategies for dealing with the ‘70s energy crisis, then expanded after the end of the Cold War to include Russia, its currently face a moment of profound impasse in the governance of planetary class relations: the greatest since the ‘70s energy crisis itself.

VI

The ‘70s energy crisis represented the final death-pangs of what might be termed the Cold War settlement, shattered by a quarter century of popular struggle. It’s worth returning briefly to this history.

The geopolitical arrangements put in place after World War II were above all designed to forestall the threat of revolution. In the immediate wake of the war, not only did much of the world lie in ruins, most of world’s population had abandoned any assumption about the inevitability of existing social arrangements. The advent of the Cold War had the effect of boxing movements for social change into a bipolar straightjacket. On the one hand, the former Allied and Axis powers that were later to unite in the G7 (the US, Canada, UK, France, Italy, Germany, Japan)—the “industrialized democracies”, as they like to call themselves—engaged in a massive project of co-optation. Their governments continued the process, begun in the ‘30s, of taking over social welfare institutions that had originally been created by popular movements (from insurance schemes to public libraries), even to expand them, on condition that they now be managed by state-appointed bureaucracies rather than by those who used them, buying off unions and the working classes more generally with policies meant to guarantee high wages, job security and the promise of educational advance—all in exchange for political loyalty, productivity increases and wage divisions within national and planetary working class itself. The Sino-Soviet bloc—which effectively became a kind of junior partner within the overall power structure, and its allies remained to trap revolutionary energies into the task of reproducing similar bureaucracies elsewhere. Both the US and USSR secured their dominance after the war by refusing to demobilize, instead locking the planet in a permanent threat of nuclear annihilation, a terrible vision of absolute cosmic power.

VII

Almost immediately, though, this arrangement was challenged by a series of revolts from those whose work was required to maintain the system, but who were, effectively, left outside the deal: first, peasants and the urban poor in the colonies and former colonies of the Global South, next, disenfranchised minorities in the home countries (in the US, the Civil Rights movement, then Black Power), and finally and most significantly, by the explosion of the women’s movement of the late ‘60s and early ‘70s—the revolt of that majority of humanity whose largely unremunerated labor made the very existence “the economy” possible. This appears to have been the tipping point.

VIII

The problem was that the Cold War settlement was never meant to include everyone. It by definition couldn’t. Once matters reached tipping point, then, the rulers scotched the settlement. All deals were off. The oil shock was first edge of the counter-offensive, breaking the back of existing working class organizations, driving home the message that there was nothing guaranteed about prosperity. Under the aegis of the newly hatched G7, this counter-offensive involved a series of interwoven strategies that were later to give rise to what is known as neoliberalism.

IX

These strategies resulted in what came to be known as “Structural Adjustment” both in the North and in the South, accompanied by trade and financial liberalization. This, in turn, made possible crucial structural changes in our planetary production in common extending the role of the market to discipline our lives and divide us into more and more polarized wage hierarchy. This involved:

· In the immediate wake of ‘70s oil shock, petrodollars were recycled from OPEC into Northern banks that then lent them, at extortionate rates of interest, to developing countries of the Global South. This was the origin of the famous “Third World Debt Crisis.” The existence of this debt allowed institutions like the IMF to impose its monetarist orthodoxy on most of the planet for roughly twenty years, in the process, stripping away most of even those modest social protections that had been won by the world’s poor—large numbers of whom were plunged into a situation of absolute desperation.

· It also opened a period of new enclosures through the capitalist imposition of structural adjustment policies, manipulation of environmental and social catastrophes like war, or for that matter through the authoritarian dictates of “socialist” regimes. Through such means, large sections of the world’s population have over the past thirty years been dispossessed from resources previously held in common, either by dint of long traditions, or as the fruits of past struggles and past settlements.

· Through financial deregulation and trade liberalization, neoliberal capital, which emerged from the G7 strategies to deal with the 1970s crisis aimed thus at turning the “class war” in communities, factories, offices, streets and fields against the engine of competition, into a planetary “civil war”, pitting each community of commoners against every other community of commoners.

· Neoliberal capital has done this by imposing an ethos of “efficiency” and rhetoric of “lowering the costs of production” applied so broadly that mechanisms of competition have come to pervade every sphere of life. In fact these terms are euphemisms, for a more fundamental demand: that capital be exempt from taking any reduction in profit to finance the costs of reproduction of human bodies and their social and natural environments (which it does not count as costs) and which are, effectively, “exernalized” onto communities and nature.

· The enclosure of resources and entitlements won in previous generations of struggles both in the North and the South, in turn, created the conditions for increasing the wage hierarchies (both global and local), by which commoners work for capital—wage hierarchies reproduced economically through pervasive competition, but culturally, through male dominance, xenophobia and racism. These wage gaps, in turn, made it possible to reduce the value of Northern workers’ labour power, by introducing commodities that enter in their wage basket at a fraction of what their cost might otherwise have been. The planetary expansion of sweatshops means that American workers (for example) can buy cargo pants or lawn-mowers made in Cambodia at Walmart, or buy tomatoes grown by undocumented Mexican workers in California, or even, in many cases, hire Jamaican or Filipina nurses to take care of children and aged grandparents at such low prices, that their employers have been able to lower real wages without pushing most of them into penury. In the South, meanwhile, this situation has made it possible to discipline new masses of workers into factories and assembly lines, fields and offices, thus extending enormously capital’s reach in defining the terms—the what, the how, the how much—of social production.

· These different forms of enclosures, both North and South, mean that commoners have become increasingly dependent on the market to reproduce their livelihoods, with less power to resist the violence and arrogance of those whose priorities is only to seek profit, less power to set a limit to the market discipline running their lives, more prone to turn against one another in wars with other commoners who share the same pressures of having to run the same competitive race, but not the same rights and the same access to the wage. All this has meant a generalized state of precarity, where nothing can be taken for granted.

X

In turn, this manipulation of currency and commodity flows constituting neoliberal globalization became the basis for the creation of the planet’s first genuine global bureaucracy.

· This was multi-tiered, with finance capital at the peak, then the ever-expanding trade bureaucracies (IMF, WTO, EU, World Bank, etc), then transnational corporations, and finally, the endless varieties of NGOs that proliferated throughout the period—almost all of which shared the same neoliberal orthodoxy, even as they substituted themselves for social welfare functions once reserved for states.

· The existence of this overarching apparatus, in turn, allowed poorer countries previously under the control of authoritarian regimes beholden to one or another side in the Cold War to adopt “democratic” forms of government. This did allow a restoration of formal civil liberties, but very little that could really merit the name of democracy (the rule of the “demos”, i.e., of the commoners). They were in fact constitutional republics, and the overwhelming trend during the period was to strip legislatures, that branch of government most open to popular pressure, of most of their powers, which were increasingly shifted to the executive and judicial branches, even as these latter, in turn, largely ended up enacting policies developed overseas, by global bureaucrats.

· This entire bureaucratic arrangement was justified, paradoxically enough, by an ideology of extreme individualism. On the level of ideas, neoliberalism relied on a systematic cooptation of the themes of popular struggle of the ‘60s: autonomy, pleasure, personal liberation, the rejection of all forms of bureaucratic control and authority. All these were repackaged as the very essence of capitalism, and the market reframed as a revolutionary force of liberation.

· The entire arrangement, in turn, was made possible by a preemptive attitude towards popular struggle. The breaking of unions and retreat of mass social movements from the late ‘70s onwards was only made possible by a massive shift of state resources into the machinery of violence: armies, prisons and police (secret and otherwise) and an endless variety of private “security services”, all with their attendant propaganda machines, which tended to increase even as other forms of social spending were cut back, among other things absorbing increasing portions of the former proletariat, making the security apparatus an increasingly large proportion of total social spending. This approach has been very successful in holding back mass opposition to capital in much of the world (especially West Europe and North America), and above all, in making it possible to argue there are no viable alternatives. But in doing so, has created strains on the system so profound it threatens to undermine it entirely

XI

The latter point deserves elaboration. The element of force is, on any number of levels, the weak point of the system. This is not only on the constitutional level, where the question of how to integrate the emerging global bureaucratic apparatus, and existing military arrangements, has never been resolved. It is above all an economic problem. It is quite clear that the maintenance of elaborate security machinery is an absolute imperative of neoliberalism. One need only observe what happened with the collapse of the Soviet bloc in Eastern Europe: where one might have expected the Cold War victors to demand the dismantling of the army, secret police and secret prisons, and to maintain and develop the existing industrial base, in fact, what they did was absolutely the opposite: in fact, the only part of the industrial base that has managed fully to maintain itself has been the parts required to maintained the security apparatus itself! Critical too is the element of preemption: the governing classes in North America, for example, are willing to go to almost unimaginable lengths to ensure social movements never feel they are accomplishing anything. The current Gulf War is an excellent example: US military operations appear to be organized first and foremost to be protest-proof, to ensure that what happened in Vietnam (mass mobilization at home, widespread revolt within the army overseas) could never be repeated. This means above all that US casualties must always be kept to a minimum. The result are rules of engagement, and practices like the use of air power within cities ostensibly already controlled by occupation forces, so obviously guaranteed to maximize the killing of innocents and galvanizing hatred against the occupiers that they ensure the war itself cannot be won. Yet this approach can be taken as the very paradigm for neoliberal security regimes. Consider security arrangements around trade summits, where police are so determined prevent protestors from achieving tactical victories that they are often willing to effectively shut down the summits themselves. So too in overall strategy. In North America, such enormous resources are poured into the apparatus of repression, militarization, and propaganda that class struggle, labor action, mass movements seem to disappear entirely. It is thus possible to claim we have entered a new age where old conflicts are irrelevant. This is tremendously demoralizing of course for opponents of the system; but those running the system seem to find that demoralization so essential they don’t seem to care that the resultant apparatus (police, prisons, military, etc) is, effectively, sinking the entire US economy under its dead weight.

XII

The current crisis is not primarily geopolitical in nature. It is a crisis of neoliberalism itself. But it takes place against the backdrop of profound geopolitical realignments. The decline of North American power, both economic and geopolitical has been accompanied by the rise of Northeast Asia (and to a increasing extent, South Asia as well). While the Northeast Asian region is still divided by painful Cold War cleavages—the fortified lines across the Taiwan straits and at the 38th parallel in Korea…—the sheer realities of economic entanglement can be expected to lead to a gradual easing of tensions and a rise to global hegemony, as the region becomes the new center of gravity of the global economy, of the creation of new science and technology, ultimately, of political and military power. This may, quite likely, be a gradual and lengthy process. But in the meantime, very old patterns are rapidly reemerging: China reestablishing relations with ancient tributary states from Korea to Vietnam, radical Islamists attempting to reestablish their ancient role as the guardians of finance and piety at the in the Central Asian caravan routes and across Indian Ocean, every sort of Medieval trade diaspora reemerging… In the process, old political models remerge as well: the Chinese principle of the state transcending law, the Islamic principle of a legal order transcending any state. Everywhere, we see the revival too of ancient forms of exploitation—feudalism, slavery, debt peonage—often entangled in the newest forms of technology, but still echoing all the worst abuses of the Middle Ages. A scramble for resources has begun, with US occupation of Iraq and saber-rattling throughout the surrounding region clearly meant (at least in part) to place a potential stranglehold the energy supply of China; Chinese attempts to outflank with its own scramble for Africa, with increasing forays into South America and even Eastern Europe. The Chinese invasion into Africa (not as of yet at least a military invasion, but already involving the movement of hundreds of thousands of people), is changing the world in ways that will probably be felt for centuries. Meanwhile, the nations of South America, the first victims of the “Washington consensus” have managed to largely wriggle free from the US colonial orbit, while the US, its forces tied down in the Middle East, has for the moment at least abandoned it, is desperately struggling to keep its grip Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean—its own “near abroad”.

XIII

In another age all this might have led to war—that is, not just colonial occupations, police actions, or proxy wars (which are obviously already taking place), but direct military confrontations between the armies of major powers. It still could; accidents happen; but there is reason to believe that, when it comes to moments of critical decision, the loyalties of the global elites are increasingly to each other, and not to the national entities for whom they claim to speak. There is some compelling evidence for this.

Take for example when the US elites panicked at the prospect of the massive budget surpluses of the late 1990s. As Alan Greenspan, head of the Federal Reserve at the time warned, if these were allowed to stand they would have flooded government coffers with so many trillions of dollars that it could only have lead to some form of creeping socialism, even, he predicted, to the government acquiring “equity stakes” in key US corporations. The more excitable of capitalism’s managers actually began contemplating scenarios where the capitalist system itself would be imperiled. The only possible solution was massive tax cuts; these were duly enacted, and did indeed manage to turn surpluses into enormous deficits, financed by the sale of treasury bonds to Japan and China. Conditions have thus now reached a point where it is beginning to look as if the most likely long term outcome for the US (its technological and industrial base decaying, sinking under the burden of its enormous security spending) will be to end up serve as junior partner and military enforcer for East Asia capital. Its rulers, or at least a significant proportion of them, would prefer to hand global hegemony to the rulers of China (provided the latter abandon Communism) than to return to any sort of New Deal compromise with their “own” working classes.

A second example lies in the origins of what has been called the current “Bretton Woods II” system of currency arrangements, which underline a close working together of some “surplus” and “deficit” countries within global circuits. The macroeconomic manifestation of the planetary restructuring outlined in XIX underlines both the huge US trade deficit that so much seem to worry many commentators, and the possibility to continually generate new debt instruments like the one that has recently resulted in the sub-prime crisis. The ongoing recycling of accumulated surplus of countries exporting to the USA such as China and oil producing countries is what has allowed financiers to create new credit instruments in the USA. Hence, the “deal” offered by the masters in the United States to its commoners has been this: ‘you, give us a relative social peace and accept capitalist markets as the main means through which you reproduce your own livelihoods, and we will give you access to cheaper consumption goods, access to credit for buying cars and homes, and access to education, health, pensions and social security through the speculative means of stock markets and housing prices.’ Similar compromises were reached in all the G8 countries.

Meanwhile, there is the problem of maintaining any sort of social peace with the hundreds of millions of unemployed, underemployed, dispossessed commoners currently swelling the shanty-towns of Asia, Africa, and Latin America as a result of ongoing enclosures (which have speeded up within China and India in particular, even as “structural adjustment policies” in Africa and Latin America have been derailed). Any prospect of maintaining peace in these circumstances would ordinarily require either extremely high rates of economic growth—which globally have not been forthcoming, since outside of China, growth rates in the developing world have been much lower than they were in the ‘50s, ‘60s, or even ‘70s—or extremely high levels of repression, lest matters descend into rebellion or generalized civil war. The latter has of course occurred in many parts of the world currently neglected by capital, but in favored regions, such as the coastal provinces of China, or “free trade” zones of India, Egypt, or Mexico, commoners are being offered a different sort of deal: industrial employment at wages that, while very low by international standards, are still substantially higher than anything currently obtainable in the impoverished countryside; and above all the promise, through the intervention of Western markets and (privatized) knowledge, of gradually improving conditions of living. While over the least few years wages in many such areas seem to be growing, thanks to the intensification of popular struggles, such gains are inherently vulnerable: the effect of recent food inflation has been to cut real wages back dramatically—and threaten millions with starvation.

What we really want to stress here, though, is that the long-term promise being offered to the South is just as untenable as the idea that US or European consumers can indefinitely expand their conditions of life through the use of mortgages and credit cards.

What’s being offered the new dispossessed is a transposition of the American dream. The idea is that the lifestyle and consumption patterns of existing Chinese, Indian, or Brazilian or Zambian urban middle classes (already modeled on Northern ones) will eventually become available to the children of today’s miners, maquila or plantation laborers, until, ultimately, everyone on earth is brought up to roughly the same level of consumption. Put in these terms, the argument is absurd. The idea that all six billion of us can become “middle class” is obviously impossible. First of all there is a simple problem of resources. It doesn’t matter how many bottles we recycle or how energy efficient are the light bulbs we use, there’s just no way the earth’s ecosystem can accommodate six billion people driving in private cars to work in air-conditioned cubicles before periodically flying off to vacation in Acapulco or Tahiti. To maintain the style of living and producing in common we now identify with “middle classness” on a planetary scale would require several additional planets.

This much has been pointed out repeatedly. But the second point is no less important. What this vision of betterment ultimately proposes is that it would be possible to build universal prosperity and human dignity on a system of wage labor. This is fantasy. Historically, wages are always the contractual face for system of command and degradation, and a means of disguising exploitation: expressing value for work only on condition of stealing value without work— and there is no reason to believe they could ever be anything else. This is why, as history has also shown, human beings will always avoid working for wages if they have any other viable option. For a system based on wage labor to come into being, such options must therefore be made unavailable. This in turn means that such systems are always premised on structures of exclusion: on the prior existence of borders and property regimes maintained by violence. Finally, historically, it has always proved impossible to maintain any sizeable class of wage-earners in relative prosperity without basing that prosperity, directly or indirectly, on the unwaged labor of others—on slave-labor, women’s domestic labor, the forced labor of colonial subjects, the work of women and men in peasant communities halfway around the world—by people who are even more systematically exploited, degraded, and immiserated. For that reason, such systems have always depended not only on setting wage-earners against each other by inciting bigotry, prejudice, hostility, resentment, violence, but also by inciting the same between men and women, between the people of different continents (“race”), between the generations.

From the perspective of the whole, then, the dream of universal middle class “betterment” must necessarily be an illusion constructed in between the Scylla of ecological disaster, and the Charybdis of poverty, detritus, and hatred: precisely, the two pillars of today’s strategic impasse faced by the G8.

XIV

How then do we describe the current impasse of capitalist governance?

To a large degree, it is the effect of a sudden and extremely effective upswing of popular resistance—one all the more extraordinary considering the huge resources that had been invested in preventing such movements from breaking out.

On the one hand, the turn of the millennium saw a vast and sudden flowering of new anti-capitalist movements, a veritable planetary uprising against neoliberalism by commoners in Latin America, India, Africa, Asia, across the North Atlantic world’s former colonies and ultimately, within the cities of the former colonial powers themselves. As a result, the neoliberal project lies shattered. What came to be called the “anti-globalization” movement took aim at the trade bureaucracies—the obvious weak link in the emerging institutions of global administration—but it was merely the most visible aspect of this uprising. It was however an extraordinarily successful one. Not only was the WTO halted in its tracks, but all major trade initiatives (MAI, FTAA…) scuttled. The World Bank was hobbled and the power of the IMF over most of the world’s population, effectively, destroyed. The latter, once the terror of the Global South, is now a shattered remnant of its former self, reduced to selling off its gold reserves and desperately searching for a new global mission.

In many ways though spectacular street actions were merely the most visible aspects of much broader changes: the resurgence of labor unions, in certain parts of the world, the flowering of economic and social alternatives on the grassroots levels in every part of the world, from new forms of direct democracy of indigenous communities like El Alto in Bolivia or self-managed factories in Paraguay, to township movements in South Africa, farming cooperatives in India, squatters’ movements in Korea, experiments in permaculture in Europe or “Islamic economics” among the urban poor in the Middle East. We have seen the development of thousands of forms of mutual aid association, most of which have not even made it onto the radar of the global media, often have almost no ideological unity and which may not even be aware of each other’s existence, but nonetheless share a common desire to mark a practical break with capitalism, and which, most importantly, hold out the prospect of creating new forms of planetary commons that can—and in some cases are—beginning to knit together to provide the outlines of genuine alternative vision of what a non-capitalist future might look like.

The reaction of the world’s rulers was predictable. The planetary uprising had occurred during a time when the global security apparatus was beginning to look like it lacked a purpose, when the world threatened to return to a state of peace. The response—aided of course, by the intervention of some of the US’ former Cold War allies, reorganized now under the name of Al Qaeda—was a return to global warfare. But this too failed. The “war on terror”—as an attempt to impose US military power as the ultimate enforcer of the neoliberal model—has collapsed as well in the face of almost universal popular resistance. This is the nature of their “impasse”.

At the same time, the top-heavy, inefficient US model of military capitalism—a model created in large part to prevent the dangers of social movements, but which the US has also sought to export to some degree simply because of its profligacy and inefficiency, to prevent the rest of the world from too rapidly overtaking them—has proved so wasteful of resources that it threatens to plunge the entire planet into ecological and social crisis. Drought, disaster, famines, combine with endless campaigns of enclosure, foreclosure, to cast the very means of survival—food, water, shelter—into question for the bulk of the world’s population.

XV

In the rulers’ language the crisis understood, first and foremost, as a problem of regulating cash flows, of reestablishing, as they like to put it, a new “financial architecture”. Obviously they are aware of the broader problems. Their promotional literature has always been full of it. From the earliest days of the G7, through to the days after the Cold War, when Russia was added as a reward for embracing capitalism, they have always claimed that their chief concerns include

· the reduction of global poverty

· sustainable environmental policies

· sustainable global energy policies

· stable financial institutions governing global trade and currency transactions

If one were to take such claims seriously, it’s hard to see their overall performance as anything but a catastrophic failure. At the present moment, all of these are in crisis mode: there are food riots, global warming, peak oil, and the threat of financial meltdown, bursting of credit bubbles, currency crises, a global credit crunch. [**Failure on this scale however, opens opportunities for the G8 themselves, as summit of the global bureaucracy, to reconfigure the strategic horizon. Therefore, it’s always with the last of these that they are especially concerned. ]The real problem, from the perspective of the G8, is one of reinvestment: particularly, of the profits of the energy sector, but also, now, of emerging industrial powers outside the circle of the G8 itself. The neoliberal solution in the ‘70s had been to recycle OPEC’s petrodollars into banks that would use it much of the world into debt bondage, imposing regimes of fiscal austerity that, for the most part, stopped development (and hence, the emergence potential rivals) in its tracks. By the ‘90s, however, much East Asia in particular had broken free of this regime. Attempts to reimpose IMF-style discipline during the Asian financial crisis of 1997 largely backfired. So a new compromise was found, the so-called Bretton Woods II: to recycle the profits from the rapidly expanding industrial economies of East Asia into US treasury debt, artificially supporting the value of the dollar and allowing a continual stream of cheap exports that, aided by the US housing bubble, kept North Atlantic economies afloat and buy off workers there with cheap oil and even cheaper consumer goods even as real wages shrank. This solution however soon proved a temporary expedient. Bush regime’s attempt to lock it in by the invasion of Iraq, which was meant to lead to the forced privatization of Iraqi oil fields, and, ultimately, of the global oil industry as a whole, collapsed in the face of massive popular resistance (just as Saddam Hussein’s attempt to introduce neoliberal reforms in Iraq had failed when he was still acting as American deputy in the ‘90s). Instead, the simultaneous demand for petroleum for both Chinese manufacturers and American consumers caused a dramatic spike in the price of oil. What’s more, rents from oil and gas production are now being used to pay off the old debts from the ‘80s (especially in Asia and Latin America, which have by now paid back their IMF debts entirely), and—increasingly—to create state-managed Sovereign Wealth Funds that have largely replaced institutions like the IMF as the institutions capable of making long-term strategic investments. The IMF, purposeless, tottering on the brink of insolvency, has been reduced to trying to come up with “best practices” guidelines for fund managers working for governments in Singapore, Seoul, and Abu Dhabi.

There can be no question this time around of freezing out countries like China, India, or even Brazil. The question for capital’s planners, rather, is how to channel these new concentrations of capital in such a way that they reinforce the logic of the system instead of undermining it.

XVI

How can this be done? This is where appeals to universal human values, to common membership in an “international community” come in to play. “We all must pull together for the good of the planet,” we will be told. The money must be reinvested “to save the earth.”

To some degree this was always the G8 line: this is a group has been making an issue of climate change since 1983. Doing so was in one sense a response to the environmental movements of the ‘70s and ‘80s. The resultant emphasis on biofuels and “green energy” was from their point of view, the perfect strategy, seizing on an issue that seemed to transcend class, appropriating ideas and issues that emerged from social movements (and hence coopting and undermining especially their radical wings), and finally, ensuring such initiatives are pursued not through any form of democratic self-organization but “market mechanisms”—to effective make the sense of public interest productive for capitalism.

What we can expect now is a two-pronged attack. On the one hand, they will use the crisis to attempt to reverse the gains of past social movements: to put nuclear energy back on the table to deal with the energy crisis and global warming, or genetically modified foods to deal with the food crisis. Prime Minister Fukuda, the host of the current summit, for example, is already proposing the nuclear power is the “solution” to the global warming crisis, even as the German delegation resists. On the other, and even more insidiously, they will try once again to co-opt the ideas and solutions that have emerged from our struggles as a way of ultimately undermining them. Appropriating such ideas is simply what rulers do: the bosses brain is always under the workers’ hat. But the ultimate aim is to answer the intensification of class struggle, of the danger of new forms of democracy, with another wave of enclosures, to restore a situation where commoners’ attempts to create broader regimes of cooperation are stymied, and people are plunged back into mutual competition.

We can already see the outlines of how this might be done. There are already suggestions that Sovereign Wealth Funds put aside a certain (miniscule) proportion of their money for food aid, but only as tied to a larger project of global financial restructuring. The World Bank, largely bereft of its earlier role organizing dams and pipe-lines across the world, has been funding development in China’s poorer provinces, freeing the Chinese government to carry out similar projects in Southeast Asia, Africa, and even Latin America (where, of course, they cannot effectively be held to any sort of labor or environmental standards). There is the possibility of a new class deal in China itself, whose workers can be allowed higher standards of living if new low wage zones are created elsewhere—for instance, Africa (the continent where struggles over maintaining the commons have been most intense in current decades)—with the help of Chinese infrastructural projects. Above of all, money will be channeled into addressing climate change, into the development of alternative energy, which will require enormous investments, in such a way as to ensure that whatever energy resources do become important in this millennium, they can never be democratized—that the emerging notion of a petroleum commons, that energy resources are to some degree a common patrimony meant primarily to serve the community as a whole, that is beginning to develop in parts of the Middle East and South America—not be reproduced in whatever comes next.

Since this will ultimately have to be backed up by the threat of violence, the G8 will inevitably have to struggle with how to (yet again) rethink enforcement mechanisms. The latest move , now that the US “war on terror” paradigm has obviously failed, would appear to be a return to NATO, part of a reinvention of the “European security architecture” being proposed at the upcoming G8 meetings in Italy in 2009 on the 60th anniversary of NATO’s foundation—but part of a much broader movement of the militarization of social conflict, projecting potential resource wars, demographic upheavals resulting from climate change, and radical social movements as potential military problems to be resolved by military means. Opposition to this new project is already shaping up as the major new European mobilization for the year following the current G-8.

XVII

While the G-8 sit at the pinnacle of a system of violence, their preferred idiom is monetary. Their impulse whenever possible is to translate all problems into money, financial structures, currency flows—a substance whose movements they carefully monitor and control.

Money, on might say, is their poetry—a poetry whose letters are written in our blood. It is their highest and most abstract form of expression, their way of making statements about the ultimate truth of the world, even if it operates in large part by making things disappear. How else could it be possible to argue—no, to assume as a matter of common sense—that the love, care, and concern of a person who tends to the needs of children, teaching, minding, helping them to become decent , thoughtful, human beings, or who grows and prepares food, is worth ten thousand times less than someone who spends the same time designing a brand logo, moving abstract blips across a globe, or denying others health care.

The role of money however has changed profoundly since 1971 when the dollar was delinked from gold. This has created a profound realignment of temporal horizons. Once money could be said to be primarily congealed results of past profit and exploitation. As capital, it was dead labor. Millions of indigenous Americans and Africans had their lives pillaged and destroyed in the gold mines in order to be rendered into value. The logic of finance capital, of credit structures, certainly always existed as well (it is at least as old as industrial capital; possibly older), but in recent decades these logic of financial capital has come to echo and re-echo on every level of our lives. In the UK 97% of money in circulation is debt, in the US, 98%. Governments run on deficit financing, wealthy economies on consumer debt, the poor are enticed with microcredit schemes, debts are packaged and repackaged in complex financial derivatives and traded back and forth. Debt however is simply a promise, the expectation of future profit; capital thus increasingly brings the future into the present—a future that, it insists, must always be the same in nature, even if must also be greater in magnitude, since of course the entire system is premised on continual growth. Where once financiers calculated and traded in the precise measure of our degradation, having taken everything from us and turned it into money, now money has flipped, to become the measure of our future degradation—at the same time as it binds us to endlessly working in the present.

The result is a strange moral paradox. Love, loyalty, honor, commitment—to our families, for example, which means to our shared homes, which means to the payment of monthly mortgage debts—becomes a matter of maintaining loyalty to a system which ultimately tells us that such commitments are not a value in themselves. This organization of imaginative horizons, which ultimately come down to a colonization of the very principle of hope, has come to supplement the traditional evocation of fear (of penury, homelessness, joblessness, disease and death). This colonization paralyzes any thought of opposition to a system that almost everyone ultimately knows is not only an insult to everything they really cherish, but a travesty of genuine hope, since, because no system can really expand forever on a finite planet, everyone is aware on some level that in the final analysis they are dealing with a kind of global pyramid scheme, what we are ultimately buying and selling is the real promise of global social and environmental apocalypse.

XVIII

Finally then we come to the really difficult, strategic questions. Where are the vulnerabilities? Where is hope? Obviously we have no certain answers here. No one could. But perhaps the proceeding analysis opens up some possibilities that anti-capitalist organizers might find useful to explore.

One thing that might be helpful is to rethink our initial terms. Consider communism. We are used to thinking of it as a total system that perhaps existed long ago, and to the desire to bring about an analogous system at some point in the future—usually, at whatever cost. It seems to us that dreams of communist futures were never purely fantasies; they were simply projections of existing forms of cooperation, of commoning, by which we already make the world in the present. Communism in this sense is already the basis of almost everything, what brings people and societies into being, what maintains them, the elemental ground of all human thought and action. There is absolutely nothing utopian here. What is utopian, really, is the notion that any form of social organization, especially capitalism, could ever exist that was not entirely premised on the prior existence of communism. If this is true, the most pressing question is simply how to make that power visible, to burst forth, to become the basis for strategic visions, in the face of a tremendous and antagonistic power committed to destroying it—but at the same time, ensuring that despite the challenge they face, they never again become entangled with forms of violence of their own that make them the basis for yet another tawdry elite. After all, the solidarity we extend to one another, is it not itself a form of communism? And is it not so above because it is not coerced?

Another thing that might be helpful is to rethink our notion of crisis. There was a time when simply describing the fact that capitalism was in a state of crisis, driven by irreconcilable contradictions, was taken to suggest that it was heading for a cliff. By now, it seems abundantly clear that this is not the case. Capitalism is always in a crisis. The crisis never goes away. Financial markets are always producing bubbles of one sort or another; those bubbles always burst, sometimes catastrophically; often entire national economies collapse, sometimes the global markets system itself begins to come apart. But every time the structure is reassembled. Slowly, painfully, dutifully, the pieces always end up being put back together once again.

Perhaps we should be asking: why?

In searching for an answer, it seems to us, we might also do well to put aside another familiar habit of radical thought: the tendency to sort the world into separate levels—material realities, the domain of ideas or “consciousness”, the level of technologies and organizations of violence—treating these as if these were separate domains that each work according to separate logics, and then arguing which “determines” which. In fact they cannot be disentangled. A factory may be a physical thing, but the ownership of a factory is a social relation, a legal fantasy that is based partly on the belief that law exists, and partly on the existence of armies and police. Armies and police on the other hand exist partly because of factories providing them with guns, vehicles, and equipment, but also, because those carrying the guns and riding in the vehicles believe they are working for an abstract entity they call “the government”, which they love, fear, and ultimately, whose existence they take for granted by a kind of faith, since historically, those armed organizations tend to melt away immediately the moment they lose faith that the government actually exists. Obviously exactly the same can be said of money. It’s value is constantly being produced by eminently material practices involving time clocks, bank machines, mints, and transatlantic computer cables, not to mention love, greed, and fear, but at the same time, all this too rests on a kind of faith that all these things will continue to interact in more or less the same way. It is all very material, but it also reflects a certain assumption of eternity: the reason that the machine can always be placed back together is, simply, because everyone assumes it must. This is because they cannot realistically imagine plausible alternatives; they cannot imagine plausible alternatives because of the extraordinarily sophisticated machinery of preemptive violence that ensure any such alternatives are uprooted or contained (even if that violence is itself organized around a fear that itself rests on a similar form of faith.) One cannot even say it’s circular. It’s more a kind of endless, unstable spiral. To subvert the system is then, to intervene in such a way that the whole apparatus begins to spin apart.

XIX

It appears to us that one key element here—one often neglected in revolutionary strategy—is the role of the global middle classes. This is a class that, much though it varies from country (in places like the US and Japan, overwhelming majorities consider themselves middle class; in, say, Cambodia or Zambia, only very small percentages), almost everywhere provides the key constituency of the G8 outside of the ruling elite themselves. It has become a truism, an article of faith in itself in global policy circles, that national middle class is everywhere the necessary basis for democracy. In fact, middle classes are rarely much interested in democracy in any meaningful sense of that word (that is, of the self-organization or self-governance of communities). They tend to be quite suspicious of it. Historically, middle classes have tended to encourage the establishment of constitutional republics with only limited democratic elements (sometimes, none at all). This is because their real passion is for a “betterment”, for the prosperity and advance of conditions of life for their children—and this betterment, since it is as noted above entirely premised on structures of exclusion, requires “security”. Actually the middle classes depend on security on every level: personal security, social security (various forms of government support, which even when it is withdrawn from the poor tends to be maintained for the middle classes), security against any sudden or dramatic changes in the nature of existing institutions. Thus, politically, the middle classes are attached not to democracy (which, especially in its radical forms, might disrupt all this), but to the rule of law. In the political sense, then, being “middle class” means existing outside the notorious “state of exception” to which the majority of the world’s people are relegated. It means being able to see a policeman and feel safer, not even more insecure. This would help explain why within the richest countries, the overwhelming majority of the population will claim to be “middle class” when speaking in the abstract, even if most will also instantly switch back to calling themselves “working class” when talking about their relation to their boss.

That rule of law, in turn, allows them to live in that temporal horizon where the market and other existing institutions (schools, governments, law firms, real estate brokerages…) can be imagined as lasting forever in more or less the same form. The middle classes can thus be defined as those who live in the eternity of capitalism. (The elites don’t; they live in history, they don’t assume things will always be the same. The disenfranchized don’t; they don’t have the luxury; they live in a state of precarity where little or nothing can safely be assumed.) Their entire lives are based on assuming that the institutional forms they are accustomed to will always be the same, for themselves and their grandchildren, and their “betterment” will be proportional to the increase in the level of monetary wealth and consumption. This is why every time global capital enters one of its periodic crises, every time banks collapse, factories close, and markets prove unworkable, or even, when the world collapses in war, the managers and dentists will tend to support any program that guarantees the fragments will be dutifully pieced back together in roughly the same form—even if all are, at the same time, burdened by at least a vague sense that the whole system is unfair and probably heading for catastrophe.

XIX

The strategic question then is, how to shatter this sense of inevitability? History provides one obvious suggestion. The last time the system really neared self-destruction was in the 1930s, when what might have otherwise been an ordinary turn of the boom-bust cycle turned into a depression so profound that it took a world war to pull out of it. What was different? The existence of an alternative: a Soviet economy that, whatever its obvious brutalities, was expanding at breakneck pace at the very moment market systems were undergoing collapse. Alternatives shatter the sense of inevitability, that the system must, necessarily, be patched together in the same form; this is why it becomes an absolute imperative of global governance that even small viable experiments in other ways of organizing communities be wiped out, or, if that is not possible, that no one knows about them.

If nothing else, this explains the extraordinary importance attached to the security services and preemption of popular struggle. Commoning, where it already exists, must be made invisible. Alternatives— Zapatistas in Chiapas, APPO in Oaxaca, worker-managed factories in Argentina or Paraguay, community-run water systems in South Africa or Bolivia, living alternatives of farming or fishing communities in India or Indonesia, or a thousand other examples—must be made to disappear, if not squelched or destroyed, then marginalized to the point they seem irrelevant, ridiculous. If the managers of the global system are so determined to do this they are willing to invest such enormous resources into security apparatus that it threatens to sink the system entirely, it is because they are aware that they are working with a house of cards. That the principle of hope and expectation on which capitalism rests would evaporate instantly if almost any other principle of hope or expectation seemed viable.

The knowledge of alternatives, then, is itself a material force.

Without them, of course, the shattering of any sense of certainty has exactly the opposite effect. It becomes pure precarity, an insecurity so profound that it becomes impossible to project oneself in history in any form, so that the one-time certainties of middle class life itself becomes a kind of utopian horizon, a desperate dream, the only possible principle of hope beyond which one cannot really imagine anything. At the moment, this seems the favorite weapon of neoliberalism: whether promulgated through economic violence, or the more direct, traditional kind.

One form of resistance that might prove quite useful here – and is already being discussed in some quarters – are campaigns against debt itself. Not demands for debt forgiveness, but campaigns of debt resistance.

XX

In this sense the great slogan of the global justice movement, “another world is possible”, represents the ultimate threat to existing power structures. But in another sense we can even say we have already begun to move beyond that. Another world is not merely possible. It is inevitable. On the one hand, as we have pointed out, such a world is already in existence in the innumerable circuits of social cooperation and production in common based on different values than those of profit and accumulation through which we already create our lives, and without which capitalism itself would be impossible. On the other, a different world is inevitable because capitalism—a system based on infinite material expansion—simply cannot continue forever on a finite world. At some point, if humanity is to survive at all, we will be living in a system that is not based on infinite material expansion. That is, something other than capitalism.

The problem is there is no absolute guarantee that ‘something’ will be any better. It’s pretty easy to imagine “other worlds” that would be even worse. We really don’t have any idea what might happen. To what extent will the new world still organized around commoditization of life, profit, and pervasive competition? Or a reemergence of even older forms of hierarchy and degradation? How, if we do overcome capitalism directly, by the building and interweaving of new forms of global commons, do we protect ourselves against the reemergence of new forms of hierarchy and division that we might not now even be able to imagine?

It seems to us that the decisive battles that will decide the contours of this new world will necessarily be battles around values. First and foremost are values of solidarity among commoners. Since after all, every rape of a woman by a man or the racist murder of an African immigrant by a European worker is worth a division in capital’s army.

Similarly, imagining our struggles as value struggles might allow us to see current struggles over global energy policies and over the role of money and finance today as just an opening salvo of an even larger social conflict to come. For instance, there’s no need to demonize petroleum, for example, as a thing in itself. Energy products have always tended to play the role of a “basic good”, in the sense that their production and distribution becomes the physical basis for all other forms of human cooperation, at the same time as its control tends to organize social and even international relations. Forests and wood played such a role from the time of the Magna Carta to the American Revolution, sugar did so during the rise of European colonial empires in the 17th and 18th centuries, fossil fuels do so today. There is nothing intrinsically good or bad about fossil fuel. Oil is simply solar radiation, once processed by living beings, now stored in fossil form. The question is of control and distribution. This is the real flaw in the rhetoric over “peak oil”: the entire argument is premised on the assumption that, for the next century at least, global markets will be the only means of distribution. Otherwise the use of oil would depend on needs, which would be impossible to predict precisely because they depend on the form of production in common we adopt. The question thus should be: how does the anti-capitalist movement peak the oil? How does it become the crisis for a system of unlimited expansion?

It is the view of the authors of this text that the most radical planetary movements that have emerged to challenge the G8 are those that direct us towards exactly these kind of questions. Those which go beyond merely asking how to explode the role money plays in framing our horizons, or even challenging the assumption of the endless expansion of “the economy”, to ask why we assume something called “the economy” even exists, and what other ways we can begin imagining our material relations with one another. The planetary women’s movement, in its many manifestations, has and continues to play perhaps the most important role of all here, in calling for us to reimagine our most basic assumptions about work, to remember that the basic business of human life is not actually the production of communities but the production, the mutual shaping of human beings. The most inspiring of these movements are those that call for us to move beyond a mere challenge to the role of money to reimagine value: to ask ourselves how can we best create a situation where everyone is secure enough in their basic needs to be able to pursue those forms of value they decide are ultimately important to them. To move beyond a mere challenge to the tyranny of debt to ask ourselves what we ultimately owe to one another and to our environment. That recognize that none this needs to invented from whole cloth. It’s all already there, immanent in the way everyone, as commoners, create the world together on a daily basis. And that asking these questions is never, and can never be, an abstract exercise, but is necessarily part of a process by which we are already beginning to knit these forms of commons together into new forms of global commons that will allow entirely new conceptions of our place in history.

It is to those already engaged in such a project that we offer these initial thoughts on our current strategic situation.

We in the RNC Welcoming Committee want to express our solidarity with the spider monkey who recently used a garden hose to scale the wall of his enclosure and escape from a Michigan City, IN, zoo.  Acts of resistance like that taken by the Spider Monkey in Michigan City remind us that true liberation cannot be handed to us- we must take it, by any means necessary. For, much like our comrade the Spider Monkey, we find ourselves stuck in a fucking zoo.  A zoo called “electoral politics,” and if we had a garden hose, you can bet your sweet ass we’d scale that fuckin’ wall of oppression quicker than that Stingray killed Steve Irwin. Quicker than that Tiger mauled that jerkface that was taunting her in San Francisco a few months ago.  Quicker than that one Elephant trampled its keeper over in Hawaii a few years back- remember?

As we’ve said so many times before, our focus for the next few months may be on the RNC, but we hope our work transcends this two-party dog-and-pony show. After all, it’s not just dogs and ponies who get fucked over by this show. It’s also: Spider Monkeys, Bonobos, Mountain Gorillas, Tapirs, Siberian Tigers, Snow Leopards, Servals, Grizzly Bears, Black Bears, Burchell’s Zebras, Giraffes, African Elephants, Asian Elephants, Ibexes, Aardvarks, Spotted Hyenas, and the Common Wombat.

And though the Spider Monkey in Michigan City was eventually caught (next door) by the zookeepers and returned, we know that liberation remains only a garden hose away.

Zookeepers get fuckin’ smashed,
the RNC Welcoming Committee

We dressed all in black, so that we could be free to act as individuals;

We covered our faces, so that we could be seen for who we truly are;

We carried spray cans and bricks, so that we could finally tell our side of the story;

and We organized, so that we could be strong and win!

If you didn’t already know, there have been riots over rising food costs and shortages of staple foods over the past few weeks. If this is a shock to you, it is probably because it has been largely ignored in the media. I am by no means an expert on what is going on, so I’ll include excerpts of two articles, one in AlterNet by Anuradha Mittal of the Oakland Institute, and an interview on Democracy Now! of Raj Patal, author of Stuffed and Starved.

Mittal:

World food prices rose by 39 percent in the last year. Rice alone rose to a 19-year high in March — an increase of 50 per cent in two weeks alone — while the real price of wheat has hit a 28-year high.

As a result, food riots erupted in Egypt, Guinea, Haiti, Indonesia, Mauritania, Mexico, Senegal, Uzbekistan and Yemen. For the 3 billion people in the world who subsist on $2 a day or less, the leap in food prices is a killer. They spend a majority of their income on food, and when the price goes up, they can’t afford to feed themselves or their families.

Analysts have pointed to some obvious causes, such as increased demand from China and India, whose economies are booming. Rising fuel and fertilizer costs, increased use of bio-fuels and climate change have all played a part.

But less obvious causes have also had a profound effect on food prices.

Over the last few decades, the United States, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund have used their leverage to impose devastating policies on developing countries. By requiring countries to open up their agriculture market to giant multinational companies, by insisting that countries dismantle their marketing boards and by persuading them to specialize in exportable cash crops such as coffee, cocoa, cotton and even flowers, they have driven the poorest countries into a downward spiral.

In the last thirty years, developing countries that used to be self-sufficient in food have turned into large food importers. Dismantling of marketing boards that kept commodities in a rolling stock to be released in event of a bad harvest, thus protecting both producers and consumers against sharp rises or drops in prices, has further worsened the situation.

Patal:

For a start, there were just bad harvests last year. Some people say that this is a sign that climate change is biting in agricultural economies. And it’s certainly the case that there was some very bad weather, particularly in Australia, last year. So there’s a low level of crops available.

But on top of that, there are a few other factors. One of them, one of the issues, is that governments, particularly the US government, is very keen on biofuels. Biofuels are fuels that are derived from corn, from sugar cane, and they’re being presented as a way of achieving energy independence. The trouble is, of course, that the biofuels drive up the price of these commodities, which means that poor people can’t afford them anymore.

On top of that, you’ve got an increasing demand for meat in developing countries. And as people get richer in those countries and they shift to something that looks more like an American diet, you have a situation where the grains are being diverted away from poor people and into livestock. So, again, that’s driving up the price of grains.

And finally, I think one of the major issues is, of course, the price of oil. I mean, one of the problems with the way our food reaches us today is that it is industrial, it is very fossil fuel-intensive, not just to the distance the food travels, but also in the fertilizer. You know, fossil fuel is required to produce fertilizer, pesticide, these sorts of things. And so, when the price of oil is over $100 a barrel, that combines with all the other factors to make a perfect storm where food prices are absolutely beyond the means of the poorest people.

My general ideological, academic, and personal understanding of these events is really no more than that something big is in the works.  The present is a product of the past, and a number of ill-considered policies in the past may be starting to catch up to us. I see basically three things going on:

1) Good food is being wasted or diverted into other projects. This is obvious; as Americans we probably waste nearly as much food as we actually consume. Policies are in place to protect us from disease, but they also have the unintended effect of keeping consumable and safe food from those who need it. The experience of Food Not Bombs underscores the paradox of these policies. Even “socially responsible” stores like Trader Joe’s or Whole Foods and most restaurants often throw out fresh foods at the end of the day–this is day-old, perfectly eatable bread or bagels–and on top of that, lock their dumpsters. Police also scope out dumpsters and make sure no one is “stealing” food. Imagine that! Society is so protective of its own waste that it cannot permit others in need to use it for sustenance. Food Not Bombs and other groups seek to reclaim wasted food and use that to feed the hungry, but they still face constant harassment from police and governments who strangely enough would rather see good food rot in a landfill than feed humans. Yet our obsession with waste and cleanliness reaches a point of hypocrisy when you consider just how terrible the conditions actually are in which food is processed and prepared–the cockroach and mice problem at UW’s Memorial Union is enough evidence of that, or the “quota” of cigarette butts and rat feces that is allowed into some foodstuffs.

Additionally, a lot of food now is being diverted from the hungry and poor and towards more profitable endeavors: mainly the production of biofuels and the production of meat. Both of these are renowned for their inefficiency; basically, the amount of energy put into their production is greater than the actual payoff. In the case of biofuels, the amount of gasoline and power used to convert grains and sugars into ethanol is considerably more than the actual gasoline and electricity saved by using ethanol. The only reason it is even considered is the political pandering of politicians to rural votes and to agricorps.  But this diversion creates demand, which raises the price of foodstuffs, mainly grain and sugarcane, and additionally raises fuel costs, further raising the cost of food (by raising the cost of transporting food).

Meat is seen as an important part of diets outside of the United States and Europe, where synthetic food production isn’t an advanced, and meat becomes the main source of protein for many.  But to produce beef in the commercial market requires intensive use of grains in the raising of cattle: the amount of food consumed in the production of beef is far greater than the volume of food obtained from slaughtered cattle.

2) Thus far, economic and food aid problems have contributed more to poverty and hunger than they have helped.  Paternalistic policies like the US Agency for International Development (USAID) and imperialistic, opportunistic organizations like the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, and World Trade Organization (WTO), have reduced the access that the poor have to the land.  Subsistence farming is being stomped out in favor of large commercial agriculture.  USAID and the WTO’s Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) have resulted in crop dumping, where Western governments subsidize domestic agricultural production destined for export; using economic and political pressure, they force down tariffs and trade barriers; and then, using the economic might of the large GNP countries, undersell subsistence and small farmers.

Additionally, the economic power of agricorps like Monsanto, local corruption, and trade pacts like the WTO’s Trade-Related Intellectual Property (TRIPS) agreement have–amazingly enough–copyrighted ancient seed varieties.  This has forced small farmers to stop the sustainable and responsible agricultural practices they are used to, instead leaving no other option but to use non-reproducing, un-saveable “terminator” seeds and extensive amounts of fertilizers.  Very recently, this has led to deep debts for farmers, especially in India and Southeast Asia, where farmers have taken to committing suicide with those same fertilizers.

Other trade pacts have served to force farmers off their land.  NAFTA required that Mexico revise Article 27 of their Constitution, which previously granted agrarian rights.  The use of ejidos, or communal land holdings, was eliminated in many parts of the country.  And the Drug War is often used as justification to further remove peasants and small farmers from their land.  The IMF and World Bank’s predatory loaning practices has advanced this in other parts of the world, through conditions for loans, through incurred debts, and then, finally, through austerity measures intended to alleviate and repay those debts.  The greatest irony is that, after small tracts of land are taken from peasants and small farmers and agglomerated into large estates, much of the land goes unused; but attempts at reoccupying the land are thwarted with violence from paramilitaries, police, and army units.

Just like with the example of dumpsters mentioned above, the rich and full-of-stomach use their economic, political, and sometimes military might to prevent and further hamper the ability of the poor and hungry to access food and grow their own food.  After leaving the land, often the only choice left, the only alternative to starvation, is work in sweatshops–this also seeks to drive global wages further down, further prohibiting cheap access to food.

3) It should be painfully obvious to all by now the poverty of the “free market” and capitalism as a whole.  It simply is incapable of distributing goods efficiently and equally.  What we are studying today is the result of neoliberal policies designed to redistribute wealth and resources upward.  We have reached the breaking point where the global poor have nothing more to hand to the wealthy.  Now it is their turn.  At risk of being ideological, this is the time when the people of the world will take back what is theirs, if it is not willingly given to them.

Activists, academics, opportunists, and politicians will surely use the food riots as justification for their own platforms, linking genuine outrage and spontaneous rebellion to their own objectives.  There will be articles in newspapers using this to make the case for state socialism.  Others will use these inconvenient riots to promote their fight against global warming.  Still others will use it to promote their anarchist and ecological agendas.  I of course am guilty of seeing food scarcity as support for my own ideas.  But I would also recommend that we treat it only as it is, and nothing more.  It is part of something greater, to be sure, but we cannot run the risk of placing ourselves in the vanguard of global uprising, attempting to use this widespread suffering to advance our own goals.  It is part of something larger, as of yet still misunderstood, which I hope will be clear in time.  There is a transformation taking place in the South which the North will be incapable of harnessing.  We should not challenge it, but seek to understand the causes in our own lives in the US and look for ways to act in solidarity.

Recommended additional reading

Raj Patal, “Stuffed and Starved: the Hidden Battle for the World Food System”

Naomi Klein, “The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism”

Ha-Joon Chang, “Reclaiming Development: An Economic Policy Handbook for Activists and Policymakers”

Derrick Jensen, “Endgame”

“A cause worth fighting for is a cause worth dying for.”

Taking a class on Latin American history is a daily reminder: it is a reminder of what it is we’re fighting for and against.  But more importantly, it serves as a reminder of who we, as anarchists and anti-authoritarians, are.  We are the constant thorn in the ass of oppression and exploitation.  However, because of this, we are not the vanguard any movement or struggle.  But, as history has shown us, we are often in the vanguard of the firing squads.  There is ample evidence of this: the Bolsheviks killed the anarchists before they confronted the capitalists; the Tlatelolco massacre in Mexico City in 1968; Brad Will in Oaxaca; and the inspiration for this article, the coup led by Pinochet, where thousands were murdered.  As we bend over backwards to blindly mourn our own 9-11, we forget the 9-11 that our comrades and compañeros suffered.

A problem within the comforts of the University is that we do not take seriously ourselves as activists and agitators.  With all the privilege we have, we do little to take advantage of it–instead, we are worried more about protecting that privilege than doing what is right.  Activism for us is not vocation, something we come home to, but a hobby, an after-school club we go to when we aren’t occupied with more important things.  Our destinies are laid out for us: moderate and live, or fight and die.  This is not a choice many of us are comfortable making, but it is destiny, it is reality.

As Americans we are pathologically uncomfortable with reality.  We suffocate ourselves with tabloids, fiction, and façades.  We choose to whitewash our world rather than deal with what truly is.  We paint over graffiti; we accept without a second thought the greenwashing of corporations; we categorically believe the lies of our leaders.  We refuse to accept that anything worth fighting for could possibly be achieved, at risk of undermining our own complacency within this fake Hollywood set we try to live on.  We look at other challenges to this global system through paternalistic binoculars: we emphasize the oppression suffered by others in the South alongside the color of their skin, without listening to what they are fighting for–we assign a different struggle to them to avoid comprehending the poverty of our world.

As I sit in a lecture hall in Madison after watching Machuca, there is a barrage of comments pitying the protagonist of the story, justifying his betrayal of his friend, otherizing and externalizing the story away from their own life.  At the end of the discussion section, we abandon Pedro Machuca, and we abandon the tragedy of Chile.

Or at least we try.  Can we really escape the legacy of fascism, just as Gonzalo Infante escaped the población?  As much as we try to avoid it and deny it, we are just as capable of repeating 1973.  We pattern ourselves a better bourgeoisie, we are less devisive.  But do we not treat the poor with the same disdain?  Do us “good” liberals not look down upon the rural poor of Northern Wisconsin and the urban poor of Milwaukee from atop Bascom Hill?  We are capable of committing such atrocity.  And that ability should be a reminder to those of us who fight out of convenience: if we do not fight like hell now, we won’t be able to fight when they come for us later.

Una mañana, de sol radiante
oh Belachao, belachao
belachao, chao chao
una mañana, de sol radiante
tendré en mis manos al opresor.

Y sí yo muero en el combate
Oh belachao, belachao
belachao, chao chao
y si yo muero en el combate
toma en tus manos mi fusil.

Soy anarquista toda la vida
Oh belachao, belachao
Belachao, chao chao.
soy anarquista toda la vida
y anarquista he de morir.

This weekend was the Midwest Regional RNC Consulta.  I won’t go into a lot of detail (partly because a lot is internal discussion, in the planning stages, or somewhat secret), but many good things came out of the discussions.  In someways, large projects like the WTO protests in Seattle in 1999 and the upcoming RNC convention protests in Minneapolis are more about creating the structures necessary to protest these things, than to actually protest them.

QUEERS BASH BACK!

Possibly the most promising and exciting thing emerging is Bash Back!  Bash Back! has taken many forms the past few years, but only just recently was it formally organized.  The first consulta was last weekend, April 5, in Chicago.  The main goal is to create an organizing structure for radical queer- and transfolk (and their allies) to resist and work towards shutting down the DNC and RNC this summer.  From the conversations we had this weekend, it sounds like a lot of awesome things are being planned, from subversive work at the corporate Pride Fests in Madison, Milwaukee, and Chicago (mainly the commodification by sexist and heterosexist corporations and organizations–mainly Stonewall Democrats and Log Cabin Republicans and the financial exclusion of poorer queer, trans, lgbt and “- of color” communities), to large-scale, radical direct action at the RNC.

The first show of the strength and potential of Bash Back! since the Chicago convergence can be seen in the Take Back the Night Rally.  Participants in the Midwest Regional Consulta formed a pink bloc to join the planned Take Back the Night events.  Unfortunately, we missed the group at the Capitol, but caught up with them on Langdon.  The TBTN people did a fabulous job organizing, and my comments should in no way be seen as a criticism of what they did.  The TBTN organizers obtained a permit to march on the sidewalks, and when we met up with them, that’s where they were.  However, the pink bloc members thought that to assert and stand up for our rights as LGBTQQetc, and oppose heteronormality, we would take the streets without permission or permit.  After all, it only makes sense to chant “WHOSE STREETS? OUR STREETS!” when you take complete control of traffic lanes, on your own terms.  We finally joined the TBTN march, and all of us together marched down the middle of Langdon.  I can’t speak for the others, and only have heard comments from other RNC participants, but for me at least it was incredibly empowering.  We took over the street, and there was nothing police or anyone else could do about it!

That isn’t to say that there weren’t problems with it.  We made some mistakes, we did some things which made others feel uncomfortable, and we didn’t organize or educate as well as we could have.  Those things have been brought up internally, and I won’t waste much more space here with an itemization of problems.

RNC

The upcoming Republican National Convention is really exciting for us.  First, we’ve been planning this for some time, and it’s really, really tight.  The Welcoming Committee has done a terrific job, and deserve all the credit in the world for their work so far.  Much care has been taken to separate actions by time OR location, to minimize spill-over effects from actions (mainly, police using direct actions to repress peaceful protest).  So, actions are divided into red, yellow, and green zones (or fluffy, furry and funky), and there are three tiers of action allotted, depending on how each progresses.  The intent is to completely shut down the RNC, and prevent the corronation of McCain as King of the Republican Party.  It would force the Party to select McCain without the theatrical participation of the delegates.

Most importantly, though, are the institutions that will be created.  Seattle gave us IndyMedia and other projects and tools, like affinity organization, and history will tell us what the RNC’s contribution to anti-authoritarian work will be.  But looking ahead 4 1/2 months, the future is so promising, so hopeful, that we cannot lose.

Another world is possible, and that world begins September 1.

See you in the streets of Minneapolis!